Mark Carrigan<p><strong>Was Tony Blair the first effective accelerationist?</strong></p><p>I don’t think it’s quite right as a description but I find it hard not to explore the thought after watching this interview: </p><p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zSLWR3AbF3c&t=1471s" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zSLWR3AbF3c&t=1471s</a></p><p>There’s a similar line of thought in <a href="https://www.compactmag.com/article/tony-blair-right-wing-progressive/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">this review by Nathan Pinkoski</a> of Blair’s book on leadership. He describes Blair’s program as a “kind of post-liberal progressive rightism that promises to co-opt the progressive left while crushing the populist right”. Underlying this project is “a commitment to unlimited, unrestrained technological progress, and a belief that this will bring about a better world”. He envisages something like the CEO-king which drives the effective accelerationists: </p><blockquote><p>The archetype of the leader as the great persuader or great communicator is passé for him. Instead, Blair takes the neo-reactionary position that the truly effective leader is a CEO-king. Persuasion is for campaign time. After that, he writes, the leader must “metamorphose into the Great CEO.” Democracy (like any regime and any large corporation) is legitimized by what it delivers, but its own procedures work against consistent delivery. The solution is, for Blair, straightforward. Leaders interested in change need to work harder to stay longer in office. They will deliver the results, and those results will win democratic legitimacy. The issue becomes teaching leaders how to prepare for the long haul.</p><p><a href="https://www.compactmag.com/article/tony-blair-right-wing-progressive/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">https://www.compactmag.com/article/tony-blair-right-wing-progressive/</a></p></blockquote><p>Underlying this is an ontological hostility to bureaucracy which is intrinsically inclined to frustrate the CEO-king who seeks to bring about change:</p><blockquote><p>Blair’s advice is blunt. The bureaucracies must be bent toward obedience: “All bureaucracies are the same. They’re not conspiracies for one side or another in politics; they’re conspiracies for maintaining the system, and they have a corresponding genius for inertia. They can be utilized and driven but should not be left with the first or final say.”</p><p>He echoes this view in his treatment of the problem of the deep state, which—somewhat unusually for his class—he acknowledges exists. In democracies, Blair hints, the way for a leader to establish control over recalcitrant intelligence agencies is to threaten them with humiliation. They are averse to doing “anything the media, which adores a conspiracy, might find occasion to sink its teeth into. Their greatest anxiety” is to be caught out in public, to be “summoned in front of inquiries, committees, and commissions and be criticized.”</p></blockquote><p>Intriguingly <a href="https://www.compactmag.com/article/tony-blair-right-wing-progressive/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">Pinkoski</a> frames this in terms of Blair seeking to intervene in post-2016 inter-elite conflict. I think this prioritises culture over economics in an obviously problematic way, but likewise I increasingly feel <a href="https://markcarrigan.net/2024/10/13/elon-musk-2010-vs-elon-musk-2024/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">left-analysis misses the significance of culture in shaping elite dissensus</a>: </p><blockquote><p>While the post-2016 landscape is still a contest between elites and populists, this isn’t the full story. In 2016, the populist diagnosis of Western malaise inspired Brexit and propelled Trump to the White House. At least in the United States, the revolt was successful because it forced elites to question their priors, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/04/opinion/trump-trade-immigration-election.html?ref=compactmag.com" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"><u>provoking</u></a> intra-elite debates over China, trade, and immigration.</p><p>The next stage of this intra-elite struggle is a conflict over how we are governed. Progressive elites adore the managerial-therapeutic state that governs most Western countries; it is staffed by members of their class and promotes their values. Right- and left-leaning elites, <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Multiculturalism-Politics-Guilt-Towards-Theocracy/dp/0826214177?ref=compactmag.com" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank"><u>starry-eyed</u></a> about diversity and antiracism, used to unite to defend that regime. But in the past few years, something has shifted. Most elite institutions are still aligned against the right—the legacy media, government bureaucracies, the intelligence agencies, the NGO complex, and academia. Yet segments of the business and tech sector broke off from this consensus. They did so in large part because they came to regard the managerial-therapeutic state as unjust, incompetent, and dysfunctional. This is just what the populists have said for years. In 2024, this dissident, right-leaning elite allied openly with the populists to help Trump win again.</p></blockquote><p>He offers what I think is ultimately a charitable reading of Blair as seeking to redeem liberal democracy by equipping the state to bring about substantial change, though one at odds with the short term calculus involved in sustaining a hold on power long enough to do this e.g. <a href="https://markcarrigan.net/2024/07/22/the-political-economy-of-hoplessness/" rel="nofollow noopener" target="_blank">when centrists triangulate against the far-right in the interests of electoral pragmatism</a>.</p><blockquote><p>To save democracy, his solution is unabashed techno-optimism. Democracy can only regain its output legitimacy by wholeheartedly embracing technological change, especially in the realms of Big Data and artificial intelligence. It is for this reason that the heart of the book is devoted to sketching out all the possibilities unleashing these changes will achieve. </p><p>Blair writes that if leaders embrace unlimited technological progress, including digital IDs and centralized personal data, they will have more power than ever before to “make change happen.” Populists might have their qualms about this. They might warn about a “police state” (Blair tells them he knows what real police states look like, so they needn’t worry). Populists might complain about the high levels of immigration Blair continues to encourage as necessary for progress. Blair chastises them for their xenophobia, but the populists are ultimately wrong because of their techno-pessimism. They’re akin to the Luddites resisting the Industrial Revolution. Because of that, they’re the enemy. </p></blockquote><p><a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://markcarrigan.net/tag/digital-elites/" target="_blank">#digitalElites</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://markcarrigan.net/tag/effective-accelerationism/" target="_blank">#effectiveAccelerationism</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://markcarrigan.net/tag/governance/" target="_blank">#governance</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://markcarrigan.net/tag/post-pandemic-civics/" target="_blank">#postPandemicCivics</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://markcarrigan.net/tag/postneoliberal-civics/" target="_blank">#postneoliberalCivics</a> <a rel="nofollow noopener" class="hashtag u-tag u-category" href="https://markcarrigan.net/tag/tony-blair/" target="_blank">#tonyBlair</a></p>